At the end of February Pacific Forum, through the generous support of the Hindu American Foundation, took two emerging foreign policy professionals to India to speak to its experts and see its sights. The following article is a reflection by one participant on the experience – for more information see here.
Throughout the late 1980s and early 1990s, China experienced rapid change. Deng Xiaoping’s economic reforms in 1979 exposed small portions of the country to Western products, and a more market-based economy began to take shape. GDP growth soared to 8-10%, an astronomical increase considering that 2 to 3% is ideal for developed countries, let alone one growing.
In the great rush of success, it is easy to be distracted by the increasing numbers of national finances or the president’s grand policies and glorious feats at the time.
However, one observable trend’s rise and fall perfectly encapsulates the atmosphere of rapid change: In the southern provinces, hanging cuts of meat in windows became fashionable as a status symbol. After all, the average Chinese citizen could only afford meat on special occasions.
In less than a decade, this display of wealth became a moniker of poverty. If the household hung the meat in its window, the family would have been too poor to afford a fridge.
The same atmosphere of rapid development permeates India now, only instead of cuts of meat, the new middle class is more likely to celebrate its rising status by buying a washing machine or an air conditioner. Overused as it is, “bustling” is the only appropriate descriptor for the immensity of India’s most prominent cities. This change exists not just in the tangible realm but also in the social consciousness.
The glitz and glamour of Indian foreign politics
Throughout many discussions with Indian NGOs and experts on topics ranging from budget management to Chinese relations, one constant existed in every opinion, regardless of political leaning: India has great potential, but fulfillment is a generation or two away.
Much of this hope rides on the coattails of Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s administration, a powerhouse evidenced by his decade-long uninterrupted tenure steering the country. A variety of factors contribute to his popularity. Still, from an economic perspective, he did take India from the world’s 10th largest economy when he was elected in 2014 to fifth today.
Such changes have not gone unnoticed among foreign world leaders. Late last year, German Prime Minister Olaf Scholz announced that his country would issue 70,000 more visas for Indian students, and the Indo-French Strategic Partnership unveils more robust measures of military and trade cooperation each year. Similarly, during PM Modi’s visit to Washington, the United States launched the US-India Catalyzing Opportunities for Military Partnership, Accelerated Commerce, and Technology (COMPACT) for the Twenty-First Century alongside India. India is being taken seriously as a rising power, but I could surmise that ingredients are still
missing. Despite its economic success and foreign partnerships, some of India’s most significant challenges lie within its own borders.
The mire of Indian domestic politics
When national leaders exchange flowery and hopeful niceties on camera, it is easy to believe that India will become a developed nation by 2047, as PM Modi declared in 2022. As a foreigner looking at India as one cohesive entity, as I was, one may wonder why India is ever doubted. However, the elements that hold India back become evident on a federal-to-state and state-to-state level.
The population of 1.4 billion people has been both a blessing and a curse, manifesting itself unexpectedly. On the one hand, having such a large workforce guarantees a labor surplus, and with the highly competitive nature to even be considered for high-paying jobs in tech and government, finding the most capable minds to lead the country has proven quite effective.
On the other hand, millions of young Indians travel abroad hoping to find employment, leading to situations like those in the United Arab Emirates, where one-third of the population consists of Indians working for extremely low wages and in unjust conditions.
Further, India has wrestled with its aspirations of self-reliance. Since the days of Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru and the non-aligned movement of the Cold War, India has placed great importance on being independent of the ruling hegemons of the United States and USSR—now the United States and China.
After Modi
I was recently afforded, through a Pacific Forum program, the incredible opportunity to travel around five cities in India: Bangalore, Manipal, Mumbai, Agra, and New Delhi. Each displayed a fascinating look into Indian society and day-to-day culture, which helped me better understand where this nation is, and hearing from experts who know the country and its ideals helped to detail the gaps in my knowledge.
Years of literature or lectures do not hold a candle to the amount of learning that took place over just 10 days in India.
From what little I saw, I could tell that India is rising in international prestige, and their legitimacy as a world power grows more valid. I am immensely excited for India and hope to see it flourish and continue to foster a healthy relationship with the United States.
However, I also recognized how success could be disrupted. PM Modi has his controversies, whether it be his policies affecting religious minorities or contentious economic decisions, but his charisma and skills as a statesman are wildly impressive. The Modi government paints so much of modern India’s political identity, and its clout will only increase yearly.
The blessing of PM Modi is a strong leader who has accumulated leverage and respect in the legislative and judicial branches, allowing laws to be enacted faster than past Indian prime ministers. The curse is in the aura he has built around himself; should the next PM not fill his shoes, the disappointment of 1.42 billion people would be heavy on Modi’s successor, should they not fill his shoes properly.
PacNet commentaries and responses represent the views of the respective authors. Alternative viewpoints are always welcomed and encouraged.
Lake Dodson ([email protected]) is an Assistant Editor for the National Interest. His interests include Korean-American relations, cybersecurity, and nuclear energy/weapons policy. He is currently studying the Korean language, has completed courses on North-South Korean Relations, and has conducted various experiments on an AGN-201K Nuclear Reactor at the prestigious Kyung-hee University in Suwon, South Korea. His specific interests are compelling nuclear energy policy, cyber-security, and the economy and politics of East Asia. He holds a BA from the University of Mississippi.
Photo Credit: Cundall
