In recent years, efforts to counter violent extremism (CVE) have increasingly turned to mothers as strategic allies, believing that they hold a unique influence within families and communities. CVE programs in countries like the UK and the US, as well as charity organizations like Women Without Borders, often seek to leverage the emotional bonds between mothers and their children. The argument is simple: mothers, by virtue of their caregiving roles, are in the best position to detect early signs of violent extremism and steer their children away from radicalization. But does this approach really work for countering violent extremism, or does it reinforce traditional gender roles?
At first glance, engaging mothers in CVE may seem like a pragmatic and effective strategy. Mothers are socially viewed in many societies as the “glue” in families who provide everyone with the provision of care and who have an innate, deep connection with their children by virtue of being mothers.
Charities like Women Without Borders leverage these socially defined roles to activate mothers in communities as peace agents – they support and train mothers in communities at risk to identify the early warning signs of violent extremism in their children through their MothersSchools program (Women Without Borders 2024). CVE programs in the UK including its ‘Prevent’ Strategy – part of its broader counter-terrorism strategy – specifically outline that “women can be a particularly effective voice as they are at the heart not only of their communities but also of their families” (via Ni Aolain 2015). The US Institute of Peace suggests that mothers are key players in households and have influence on the dynamics of their families (United States Institute of Peace 2015).
Yet, this view of mothers as natural peace agents draws heavily on gendered stereotypes. It assumes that women, particularly mothers, are inherently peace-oriented due to their caregiving roles within families and communities. This assumption is echoed in feminist maternalist literature, which suggest that women’s socialized roles as caregivers equip them with unique skills for promoting peace. Sara Ruddick, a giant in this school of thought, argues that motherhood fosters a mindset centered on life preservation which translates into an ability to generate peace more effectively than men or others in the community (Ruddick 1980; Ruddick 2009).
While this line of thinking may resonate with some, it also raises significant concerns. By positioning mothers as peace agents primarily because of their caregiving roles, CVE programs risk reinforcing the very stereotypes that many gender equality advocates have long sought to dismantle. The notion that women are more naturally suited to peacebuilding because they are mothers overlooks their individual political identities – separate from their identities as mothers or caregivers.
Moreover, not all mothers are in tune with their children’s emotional states, as many CVE programs assume. While some evidence suggests that mothers can play a role in identifying behavioral changes linked to radicalization, other research shows that mothers are not always aware when their children are being drawn into extremist groups. In Pakistan, studies found that mothers can be the last to know when their sons have joined violent organizations (Qadeem 2018, 8). This challenges the assumption that mothers are uniquely equipped to detect and act on signs of extremism within their households.
Another problematic belief underpinning CVE programs is the idea that mothers are best placed within the family to intervene in cases of radicalization. This perspective assumes that mothers hold more social influence within the home than fathers and are therefore better positioned to counter extremist ideologies (Giscard d’Estaing 2017). However, this assigns the responsibility for preventing violent extremism disproportionately to mothers, while sidelining fathers and other family members. In reality, family dynamics are complex, and it is often the breakdown of relationships within families that contributes to radicalization in the first place (Fink et al 2017).
Finally, there is an assumption in these programs that mothers are inherently peaceful because they want to protect their children. Of course for the most part, like most people in general, mothers prioritize the safety and wellbeing of their children. But mothers are not just mothers – they have their own political identities that can be formed outside of their maternal position, and they can be just as vulnerable to radicalizing forces as anyone else.
History shows that some mothers have actively participated in or lead violent extremist activities, including activity that directly threatened the life of their children. In Sierra Leone, for example, women smuggled weapons through military checkpoints by strapping them onto their children’s bodies (Coulter 2008), while in Sri Lanka, a mother detonated a suicide bomb, killing herself and her children in the process (Dass 2021). In 2018, the Surabaya bombings in Indonesia, largely thought to be masterminded by two mothers, saw these women detonate suicide bombs alongside their children (Dass 2021). These cases demonstrate that motherhood does not inherently preclude violent extremism, and that mothers, like anyone else, can be drawn into extremist ideologies. They can and do put their children at risk because of extremist political ideas.
So, what is the way forward? Rather than relying on gendered assumptions about mothers as peace agents, CVE programs should take a more holistic approach that recognizes mothers as complex political actors. Instead of engaging women with children solely based on their caregiving roles, policymakers should empower women to shape CVE initiatives themselves, taking into account their diverse political identities and experiences. Additionally, CVE efforts should focus on engaging entire families, rather than singling out mothers, to ensure that both men and women are equally involved in preventing extremism within households.
Ultimately, while mothers can and should play a role in CVE, their engagement should be based on their full range of capabilities, not on outdated stereotypes about motherhood. Only by moving beyond these gendered assumptions can CVE programs truly make meaningful progress.
Serena Nardi Ford is a PhD Student at Monash University, where she is based at the Global Peace and Security Centre and the Herb Feith Indonesia Engagement Centre while also serving as a Pacific Forum Young Leader. Serena’s research focuses on the intersection of gender, peace, and security. She holds a bachelor’s degree (Honors) in Asian Studies from the Australian National University. Contact: [email protected]
Disclaimer: All opinions in this article are solely those of the author and do not represent any organization.
Photo: A child in a medical mask in his mother’s arms. Coronavirus pandemic COVID 19. Source: https://www.vperemen.com/
